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Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe (Ethnologia Balkanica)
Shop Our Brands. All Rights Reserved. Cancel Submit. In the course of the s, members of ethnic minorities were more and more pushed out of the central administration. This shows that, under eco- nomic and political pressure from the Romanian side, Hungarians adopted xenophobic positions. In the s, they developed anti-Semitic prejudices, as well. Its editor-in-chief and several employees also held positions in the senate or as delegates in the leadership of the party.
As stated above, with this move he protested against the Romanianization of Hungarian towns in Transylvania their administration and economies. After , such demands were more likely to pass the Romanian censors than previous claims against the Romanians.
The daily took it as a given that Jews were Communists, cosmo- politans, and freemasons, strove for world domination, and so on. Their presence would have a disintegrative efffect and would weaken Hungarians. Hence, one not only has to trace the genuinely Transylvanian Hungarian roots of anti-Semitism, but also take the general framework of international politics into consideration. Until , diffferent factions existed which upheld liberal, social-democratic, and even communist ideals. In the end, the agreement did not come into efffect because the government resigned.
The debate focused on how the scattered Hungarian communities could resist the Romanian pressure to assimilate. This con- cern was furthered by the idea that the so-called Transylvania question, i. To safeguard Hungarians against assimilation, the minority leaders wanted to resettle the so-called splinter groups from the territory of the old Romanian Kingdom, beyond Transylvania, to the border regions within Transylvania. Politicians saw them as legiti- mate means to save the identity of ethnic minorities from assimilation cf. Jakabfffy , a, b. The majority of Hungarians agreed with this assessment.
Thus, they turned a blind eye and let their Jewish fellow citizens fall prey to this turn of events. The precarious situation of Hungarian Jews in Transylvania becomes even clearer when it is viewed simultaneously with the anti-Semitism which gained ground in the Romanian public at the same time Volovici Moreover, many Romanian politicians adopted anti- Semitic views concerning the Iron Guard, see Heinen and Iancu Under the pretense that masses of Jews had immigrated illegally after , it ordered a general investigation into the citizenship of Jews.
King Carol estab- lished an authoritarian dictatorship which lasted until September The government sought to motivate Jews to emigrate, and the Jewish laws of 10 August , emulating the Nuremberg Racial Laws, put a ban on marital relationships between Jews and Christians Ancel 65—, — Hungary annexed 43, square kilometers of territory and about 2,, inhabit- ants, representing circa forty percent of the province of Transylvania, which had belonged to Romania since According to the Hungarian census of , of these 1,, Although for years Jewish Hungarians were rather skeptical about the increasingly intolerant and anti-Semitic society in Hungary proper, they approved of the Second Vienna Award.
After all, Romanian anti-Semitism was not any weaker than Hungarian resentments, and, as mentioned above, in , Bucharest also passed anti-Jewish legislation. Meanwhile, Jews in Northern Transylvania hoped to be exempt from the two Hungarian Jewish laws in return for their loyalty to Hungarian culture in the interwar period.
Hungarians considered the return to the mother country as liberation and pinned far-reaching hopes on it. For statistics, see below.
Compare with Balogh — , Christoph , and Broszat Even though some were raised in Transylvania and had only moved to Budapest some ten to twenty years earlier, they now displayed a diffferent, arrogant and ethnocentric air. Although some , Romanians also left Northern Transylvania to settle in Romania, the arriving Hungarians preferred to settle in towns for the sake of employ- ment.
These developments also influenced Hungarian-Jewish relationships since most Hungarian Jews lived in towns as shopkeepers, craftsmen, doc- tors, lawyers, and so forth. The Transylvanian Hungarian political elite quickly announced the same kind of demands against which it had struggled in the previous twenty years, when the Romanian majority used to target Hungarians.
The Transylvania Conference paved the way for a complex population policy with economic and social aspects that were to have a great and last- ing efffect on the area. Importantly, special attention was paid to questions of resettlement. The starting point was the opportune demographic situation among the Szeklers, a Hungarian community in the east of Transylvania.
He added that the return of Hungarians from Bukovina was already taking place and their return from Romanian towns in the Old Kingdom was almost completed f. The question of what to do with the Jews was not really a matter of con- cern at the Transylvania Conference. Later, Hungarian politicians put more thought into this question. Hungarian experts were to take their positions in the economy. Moreover, outlawing such racial mixing by code of law would also clearly determine who was a Jew and who was not.
In , the new administration banned a number of leftist, liberal, dem- ocratic, and social-democratic newspapers and journals. The remaining Hungarian papers did not even aspire to take their place.
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As a consequence, several liberal journalists who had tried to counter the right-wing slide moved from Transylvania to Budapest. Since , the Hungarian right began expanding into Transylvania. In March of , the local branch of the Transylvanian Party in Cluj joined the initiative from Bihar County in order to not be surpassed from the right. Jewish identity was determined on racial grounds. After , the Hungarian press in Transylvania expounded both an anti-Jewish and an anti-Semitic discourse.
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The Saxons maintained their own press and read newspapers from the Reich, e. Some Saxons partici- pated actively in the ghettoization of Jews in May Additionally, it fostered social resentments and called for action out of supposed economic concerns. Yet in this way, he and others channeled criticism away from the factually unjust property distribution in Hungary, which caused great poverty among exploited rural workers and peasants, and obscured the need for true land reforms. The latter would have afffected the Catholic Church and the high nobility negatively, and redistributed their surplus property to the under- privileged.
Thereafter, the press accused Jews of causing any type of shortage, be it goods, housing, missing capacities in train trans- portation, and so on. The press reported on Hungarian territorial gains in the towns at the expense of Jews. Such requests for compensation favoring Hungarians and frequent articles on those economic branches from which Jews should be expelled exposed the notion that such measures were only preparatory and temporary.
They would be part of a larger development which might only come to an end after the war, when all Jews had left Europe. The plans for resettlement and reorganization which had been discussed in the s to resolve the disadvantageous status as minority in the s were subse- quently applied to Jewish Hungarians.
(PDF) Cultural Dimensions of Elite Formation in Transylvania | Judit Pál - casadenonews.ga
The press presented such public which mentions a certain Gustav Orend and in Cluj, Karl Krausz, the district leader of the Thorenburger Volksgruppe Braham , The expulsion of Serbs who had lived there for genera- tions, as well as others that had only recently moved there, preceded this measure with the support of some Transylvanian Hungarian politicians. The government even established a committee to survey the region directly. The only solution would be the expropriation of Jewish and Romanian land- owners, yet, due to political considerations, this was out of the question Vincze Readers learn about his statements in a certain context, which only allowed one interpretation Gerlach and Aly 73, The Hungarian social and political elites in Transylvania also elaborated on ideas about how to achieve an ethnically homogenous country.
A year later, he published a brochure on the Szeklers in the Bukovina. In the summer of , Werth argued that Hungary should engage more actively in the war on the German side in order to be reimbursed with the restitution of the pre borders and have ways to expel the Jewish, Slavic and, Romanian communi- ties. Moreover, the expelled would take their belongings with them and agricultural produc- tion would be severely disrupted.
However, in a Transylvanian- Hungarian journal, the above-mentioned Dessewfffy presented his expul- sion plans and inextricably linked them with the resettlement of Jews. The parliamentary debate about Jewish land property motivated this series of articles. This was facilitated by the prevalent understanding that it was the Hungarians innate right: after all, they had endured the status of second-class citizens under Romanian dom- ination for two decades.
Jewish children were not allowed to further attend Christian schools. The Hungarian Jewish laws were quickly adopted in Transylvania. The implementation of the Jewish laws meant for instance that Jewish doctors were not to exceed six percent in that profession. The rejection of any new Jewish member to the medical association was to help attain this quota.